Introduction
The total well-being of man has been centered on his need to be in safety and security. Security of life and property has been man’s paramount desire and need. Thus, no matter how affluent a man may be the consolidation of his riches and wealth revolves around his state of tranquility or security – freedom from fear, harm or threat of violence. Societies have always planned and managed their own security for their well-being and ensure that any threat to their survival was dealt with decisively. Omotosho and Aderinto (2012) contend that from time immemorial, people evolved ways to ensure their safety and wellbeing against criminal activities and violence within the society. However, with the inception of colonialism in our political governance, formal social control was introduced. The colonial government assumed full responsibility of ensuring law and order through effective crime control mechanisms operated by the state law enforcement agencies. The colonial police replaced the traditional social control groups. But the colonial police or the native authority police became instruments of force and violence in the hands of colonial authorities. As a result, violent crime, terrorism, fear and insecurity emerged with impunity because the colonial government instead of maintaining law and order became instruments of repression, exploitation and oppression which adversely affected the people (Ikuteyijo, 2009; Oyeniyi, 2007)
The exit of colonial authority did not make matters better as the neo-colonialists took on the same impunity of creating fear and insecurity in the minds of citizens instead of protecting them. Consequently, Nigeria witnessed, and continuous to witness, a steady increase in crimes of various types and classifications (Igbo, 2007). Ikuteyijo and Rotimi (2012) had argued that in the face of police inability to contain rising crime waves in Nigeria, citizens resorted to the use of ethnic militia groups for their security and protection. For example, findings from a survey carried out by CLEEN Foundation in Nigeria between 2005 and 2008 showed that non-formal security organs were the preferred choice of citizens in respect of crime protection (Okenyodo, 2011). Ekhomu (2005) argues that there is no government that has the ability and know-how to provide adequate security for the citizens, even in so called developed countries of the West, hence the need for private security companies (PSCs) to complement the efforts of the state in crime control and prevention. Van Steden and Sarre (2011) argue that in the past two decades, private security companies have had global relevance and acceptance and have radically increased across nations of the world.
Extant literature on private security focused mainly on private military companies’ (those that carry arms in domestic and international operations) (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2007; Small, 2006); neighbourhood watch associations (Fabiyi, 2007); ethnic militia groups (Smith, 2004; Harnischfeger, 2003); and vigilante groups (Olaniyi, 2005). Others who have discussed private security companies paid much attention on their evolution, role and contribution to crime prevention (Inyang & Abraham, 2014; Omotosho & Aderinto, 2012). But none of the extant literature looked at the challenges of private security companies in Nigeria. This lacuna formed the basis for this study.