Economic Capital
The continued long-term monetary and in-kind benefits from cross-border
intending parents before the new Bill drafted have served as the most
convincing “pull factor” for young women to participate in commercial
surrogacy. Compared to other low wage-paid employment in India,
according to several interviews conducted by Pande (2011) and Vora
(2013), women approach surrogacy rather as an “one-time shot” to
provide them with immeasurable economic assistance. And the fact that
their clear intentions towards money earned from surrogacy made these
women cherish the opportunity even more (Rozée et al, 2020). However,
the absence of binding law for the surrogacy market in the pre-revised
Bill era has imposed greater risks and much unclear boundary of
renumeration for such unprotected contractual relationships. As defined
by the Indian government, surrogates are mostly living in critical
financial conditions, as they must repay heavy debts or substitute their
husband for work (Rozée et al, 2020). On the other hand, being able to
gain extra attention and care from others simultaneously, surrogates
interviewed by Rozée et al (2020) often possess a positive experience
towards surrogacy as they earn more11Sometimes surrogates earn
the same amount as five years of total family income, specifically
when their husbands are of informal contracts or unemployment (Pande,
2010). and do not have to return home late after work, in which could
effectively avoid harassment or bad reputation (Rudrappa, 2015).
But to escape from poverty, especially capability-wise, is another
thing. Despite possessing
considerable income, the very nature of surrogacy being physically, and
sometimes psychologically, exploitative and culturally disruptive brings
forth the social condemnation and stigmatization within household that
reduces the possibility to convert economic capital into social (i.e.,
expand social networks) or cultural capital (i.e., reduce stigmatisation
in community).