Economic Capital
The continued long-term monetary and in-kind benefits from cross-border intending parents before the new Bill drafted have served as the most convincing “pull factor” for young women to participate in commercial surrogacy. Compared to other low wage-paid employment in India, according to several interviews conducted by Pande (2011) and Vora (2013), women approach surrogacy rather as an “one-time shot” to provide them with immeasurable economic assistance. And the fact that their clear intentions towards money earned from surrogacy made these women cherish the opportunity even more (Rozée et al, 2020). However, the absence of binding law for the surrogacy market in the pre-revised Bill era has imposed greater risks and much unclear boundary of renumeration for such unprotected contractual relationships. As defined by the Indian government, surrogates are mostly living in critical financial conditions, as they must repay heavy debts or substitute their husband for work (Rozée et al, 2020). On the other hand, being able to gain extra attention and care from others simultaneously, surrogates interviewed by Rozée et al (2020) often possess a positive experience towards surrogacy as they earn more11Sometimes surrogates earn the same amount as five years of total family income, specifically when their husbands are of informal contracts or unemployment (Pande, 2010). and do not have to return home late after work, in which could effectively avoid harassment or bad reputation (Rudrappa, 2015).
But to escape from poverty, especially capability-wise, is another thing. Despite possessing considerable income, the very nature of surrogacy being physically, and sometimes psychologically, exploitative and culturally disruptive brings forth the social condemnation and stigmatization within household that reduces the possibility to convert economic capital into social (i.e., expand social networks) or cultural capital (i.e., reduce stigmatisation in community).