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\begin{document}

\title{Religious Heritage and Values Perfecting Peacefulness Among the
Contemporary Yor\selectlanguage{ngerman}ùbá\selectlanguage{english}}



\author[1]{Akintayo Sunday Olayinka}%
\affil[1]{Affiliation not available}%


\vspace{-1em}



  
  \date{May 04, 2024}


\begingroup
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\selectlanguage{english}
\begin{abstract}
This paper presents the roles that religious heritage among the Yor\selectlanguage{ngerman}ùbá
plays in sustaining their peacefulness. The Yorùbá use both formal and
informal interactions to engage one another in discourses that enhance
their togetherness but often faced with outside influences that can
truncate their desired goals. This paper, therefore, places the Yorùbá
by the established peaceful societies (PS) to see how they compare in
their attitude to peacefulness and providing explanation to the Yorùbá's
effort to keep the peace despite the outside influences on their
society.

\textbf{Please note}: The bulk of this article is taken from chapter 8
of the author's doctoral dissertation with a few amendments to suit this
journal.

\textbf{Keywords:} Christian-Muslim relations, peace studies, Africa -
Yorùbá, religious -- ethics, culture -- values, Covid-19.%
\end{abstract}\selectlanguage{ngerman}%



\sloppy


~

\section*{\texorpdfstring{{1.
Introduction}}{1. Introduction}}\label{introduction}

At the inception of Christianity and Islam in Yor\selectlanguage{ngerman}ùbáland, each was
allocated portions of land by local kings on which to build their
worship centres and schools, while Christians in addition, built
hospitals to look after the sick. On some occasions, thick forests were
allocated to Christians, but in time such places developed to become
habitable. A few examples of institutions transformed from these
allocated lands are the Nigerian Baptist Theological Seminary, Ògbóm\selectlanguage{english}oso,
\selectlanguage{english}and the Bowen University Teaching Hospital (formerly known as the
Baptist Medical Centre \selectlanguage{ngerman}Ògbóm\selectlanguage{english}oso\selectlanguage{english}) in Nigeria. Others are the Baptist
College Iwo now the Bowen University Iwo and the Baptist Hospital Shaki.
Muslims moved their schools {[}\emph{madrasati}{]} often attached to the
Mosques to establish primary and secondary school at different locations
away from the Mosques site, with few examples in \selectlanguage{ngerman}Ògbóm\selectlanguage{english}oso, \selectlanguage{english}Ilorin, and
Ibadan in Nigeria to mention but a few.

Unlike the examples mentioned above, religion has been found to be the
cause of division and violence in many places. Nevertheless, religion
has demonstrated the ability to present peace when utilised as advocacy
for peace. How this contrast supports peacefulness among a thriving
religious community is an area that could be explored further.
Christianity and Islam among the Yor\selectlanguage{ngerman}ùbá often have events that bring
them together be it at family level, social gathering, and workplaces.
What are the reasons behind the Yorùbá's disposition toward one another
and what contributions could that offer peace studies? This paper
presents Yorùbá Christians and Muslims' capacity to maintain
peacefulness, juxtaposed with the peaceful societies (PS) and some
Senegalese examples.

\section*{\texorpdfstring{{2. Inter-Religious Discourses around
Peacefulness}}{2. Inter-Religious Discourses around Peacefulness}}\label{inter-religious-discourses-around-peacefulness}

There have been occasions of resentment among the Yorùbá due to how the
indigenous religion {[}Indigenous Yorùbá African religion{]} -- (IAR)
was treated by the new religions (Islam and Christianity) and vice
versa, but the three were ultimately able to form strong relationships
with time. They did this by engaging in dialogue, (Chukwulozie, 1986;
Akinade, 1996; Nigerian Dialogue, 1976) to understand one another
better. For instance, the~\emph{Orò} Yorùbá festival forbids women from
going outside during their festival. A clergyman, Rev'd. Solomon Aisa
Ige (1890-1982), a recognized Baptist minister -- longest serving
minister of a Baptist Church for fifty-nine years (1917-1976) and a
respected personality within the Ògbómọ\selectlanguage{english}so \selectlanguage{english}palace chieftains was
influential in the dialogue to resolve this (Oludele, 2007). Ige led the
Christians to demand freedom for their women to attend Sunday evening
services in \selectlanguage{ngerman}Ògbómọ\selectlanguage{english}so \selectlanguage{english}including during the~\selectlanguage{ngerman}\emph{Orò} festival. The two
groups worked out the negotiation peacefully as \emph{Orò} began to go
out late in the night in Ògbómọ\selectlanguage{english}so.

\selectlanguage{english}At a different location, a Christian contact in an interview in Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pẹ\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í
town, Gábú, testifies that Maku, a Muslim respected cleric was friendly
towards the Christian community in the town. Maku was welcoming despite
a conflict between a Muslim group and the Christian community that
lasted close to a decade in their town. The conflict within Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í was
linked to the way in which religion was interpreted \textbf{} and taught
among the militant group, not the widely acceptable norm of the Yorùbá
Muslim community. The weird interpretations of religion are found to be
incompatible with the culture an average Yorùbá person would want to
promote be it Christians or Muslims. As a result, individual and group
attitudes have to do with their upbringing and what they learn or
consider acceptable through the agency of the religion, culture, or
other avenues of direct or indirect learning. The learning that
dominates in an individual or group takes pre-eminence in the community
at large. For instance, Maku, the Muslim cleric suggests:

\par\null

\begin{quote}
Christians and Muslims are not idolatrous; hence Christians are not
\emph{kafir} {[}unbelievers{]}. Only the idolaters are \emph{Kafir}
{[}whom Maku described as the people without a written scripture{]} and
conversion to other religion has an impact on the parents and the
community. {[}paraphrased{]}.

\par\null
\end{quote}

On the contrary, some individual religious practitioners use derogatory
words to describe the other, like the use of \emph{kafir} or infidel for
non-Muslims in northern Nigeria, which sometimes connotes the
possibility of picking up a fight with non-Muslim residents. Also, some
Christians, although refer to non-Christians as unbelievers
(\selectlanguage{english}\emph{aláìgbàgbọ}) in southwest yet does not mean hate but an intent to
pray for their conversion. Regardless, many who have both religions
represented in their extended families within southwest Nigeria address
one another as family regardless of religious affiliation. This unifies
them for community peacefulness.

The strength of Maku's Muslim teaching is that Christians are not
unbelievers (\emph{kafir}) to be confronted or persecuted by Muslims.
Like Maku's argument, a Senegalese Imam suggests, Christians are not
\emph{kafir} (Wisconsin-n.a., 2009).~Maku's teaching appeals to
tolerance and peacefulness among the Yor\selectlanguage{ngerman}ùbá within the context of the
Yorùbá culture, while many Christians like Gideon seek to live in peace
and holiness as suggested in the focus group one {[}FGD1{]} in this
study. However, religious militant groups do not adhere to these fair
religious interpretations, as gathered among the Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í residents,
hence seek an alternative teaching more fundamentalist in nature.

Another factor identified as an indirect cause of violence is the
slackness in house leaders or community meeting, where disputes are
meant to be discussed and social events that unite are promoted. It was
noted that the Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í community were peaceful when tolerant teachings
and similar ideas were operational until less tolerant alternatives were
brought in through a foreign trained local resident. Thus, a community
with complimentary teachings appear more harmonious than the one with
opposing alternatives. Similarly, in a community with two or more
opposing operational norms, the one that dominates determines the
general outlook of such a community. An understanding of one's
neighbour's values, teachings, and interpretations of their religion
also increases the community's ability to sustain their peacefulness.

In the Senegalese context, both religious festivals are celebrated
together by their communities that is made up of mixed families like the
Yorùbá, although the percentage of Christians is lower, at around 5\%
(Senegal-n.a., 2009), compared to the equal split among the Yorùbá.
Yorùbá Christians and Muslims also come together on social grounds. By
inference, the common themes of Islam and Christianity are often
encouraged to be discussed in dialogue meetings, rather than the areas
of differences. In the Senegal for example:

\par\null

\begin{quote}
For the Imam (the 83-year-old), `Islam' means `peace'. He pointed out
that the Qur'an not only mentions but accepts many prophets in the Bible
such as Moses, Abraham and Jesus. In his community, Muslim and Christian
leaders often invite the other side to official events. For example,
when the Cardinal came to Saint Louis for a visit recently, the Imam was
invited and, because he was too frail to go, he sent a representative.
The main challenges facing the Muslim community are poverty and the
preservation of shrines such as mosques. (Wisconsin).

\par\null
\end{quote}

There was a poverty concern among the Senegalese (95\% Muslims and 5\%
Christian). Such concerns are present among some Nigerians. The former
Emir of Kano who was also the former governor of the Central Bank of
Nigeria, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, claims poverty as endemic among northern
Nigerian Muslims (2017), whilst Nigeria has had more Muslim northern
leaders as presidents and heads of state than any other religion's
representation since its independence in 1960. The argument about
poverty in northern Nigeria is logically indefensible and poverty as a
form of economic violence in Nigeria requires a further research. A
practising Christian Nigerian president, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan
established and built many schools for the \emph{Almajiri} northern
Muslim children who ordinarily were not encouraged to attend a regular
school by the northern cultural system (Njoku, 2020; Reliefweb, 2020).
Yet the administration that took over from Jonathan, led by a practising
Muslim, retired General Muhammadu Buhari did less to keep up his
predecessor's pace. Mysterious mist covers the underdevelopment in
northern Nigeria.

On a positive note, the southern Nigerian Muslims present the Christians
as their kinsmen and vice versa, as seen in Maku's illustration and the
three focus group meetings carried out in the region {[}FGD1, 2, 3{]}.
Even as far back as 1800, Yorùbá Muslims have been delighted for their
kinsman, Samuel Ajayi Crowther becoming a recognized Christian and a
bishop of the Church of England, (Cole, 2004; Law, 1991; Milsome, 1987).
Crowther was the first indigenous Christian bishop in West Africa. The
virtues of love and understanding are paramount for the Yorùbá, as
suggested in FGD1, FGD3, and further affirmed in the interview with
Babatunde and Ìyabọ\selectlanguage{english} (both being university Christian students), and
Alhaja (a Muslim lady in a local family house) in this study (FI). In
another interview, Lateef {[}a younger Imam whose brother converted to
Christianity and became a Christian minister{]}, Maku (an older Imam),
and Wol\selectlanguage{ngerman}é (an Islamic scholar) in different towns and on different
occasions present a similar view (FI). Religious interpretations and the
culture being promoted have a lot to contribute to societal
peacefulness. The views such interpreters and/or leaders held about
religion have facilitated harmony when presented well to their
community, which is a good heritage.~

The peaceful relations among the Senegalese are like those among the
Yorùbá. Kukah, a Roman Catholic bishop in northern Nigeria writing on
the strength of the interaction between Christians and Muslims in
Senegal, suggests, `{[}a{]}s history has shown us, any system that is
not anchored on the realisation of the good of all is doomed to fail'
(2007, p. 163). Hence, Senegal has come to attention in recent years
among scholars of religion, anthropology and communication, due to the
peaceful relations among the Senegalese Christians and Muslims. The
specific attributes observed among the Senegalese are their culture of
hospitality, referred to as~\emph{teranga}; mixed marriages; Muslim
children being accepted in the Catholic school and thereby coming to
understand the other's beliefs, and the adults' participation in both
Christian and Muslim festivals (Senegal-UW-Collaboration, 2009). Also,
the Senegalese religious leaders engaged in dialogue at the community
level and have mutual concern for one another. These are like what is
obtainable among the Yorùbá as they use the idea of family relations,
holding house and community leaders' meetings to unite and promoting
social interaction to settle disputes.

Research among the Senegalese is ongoing and open for contributions,
asking questions such as:

\par\null

\begin{quote}
What do you think of Senegal's model for interfaith peace? Is it a
special case or can some parts of it be replicated in other countries?
What else can be done to increase mutual understanding of Muslims and
Christians? Senegal-Collaboration. (Collaboration)

\par\null
\end{quote}

In another section, they asked:

\par\null

\begin{quote}
What role can religious leaders, Muslim or Christian, play in promoting
interfaith harmony? Will Senegal's model work in your community?
(Wisconsin).

\par\null
\end{quote}

These are relevant questions, like those in this study among the Yorùbá
located in peace and conflict studies, relevant to dialogue,
anthropology as well as communication studies. Yet, it is not simply a
matter of replicating the Senegalese case but of discovering other
communities that already exhibit such {[}inter-religious{]} harmony.
This is not only to ascertain the means of increasing mutual
understanding among religions but also to analyse what is currently
being done to sustain the peace and manage their disputes. Similarly,
leaders' roles are as important as the contents of the religious
teachings and the interpretations they provide their followers along
with the accepted cultural grounds for accommodating such to enhance
their harmony. So, ongoing discourses about accommodating religious
heritage contribute to the knowledge of peace in religious society.

~

\subsection*{\texorpdfstring{{2.1 Intolerant Outside Influence on
Peaceful
Societies}}{2.1 Intolerant Outside Influence on Peaceful Societies}}\label{intolerant-outside-influence-on-peaceful-societies}

To further connect this discourse with peacefulness, the author finds
the already established peaceful societies (PS) useful. Considering the
peaceful societies' attitudes to strangers, he refers to the Paliyans,
Semai, and Chewong as examples. There are various situations that mend
the frequency and seriousness of disputes among the Paliyans, but often
they maintain non-violence as they avoid external pressure or influence,
and other possible causes of violence like alcoholism and a lack of
respect (Gardner, 2000). The Semai had suffered enslavement in the hands
of the Malays their neighbour as well as being kidnapped, raided, and
killed. The Semai, thus teach their children to fear strangers through
the teaching of terrifying stories of strangers' violence. Such early
childhood training influences the later life of Semai people, (Dentan,
2001, pp. 89, 90). The Chewong also fear outsiders like the Malays and
Chinese. Brave people with the potential to harm falls outside of the
Chewong `moral universe' (Howell, 1989, p. 53).

In support of the harmony among the Yorùbá is their ability to manage
intolerant outside negative influence. The community's ability to handle
various situations determines the outcomes on the individual cases. The
Yorùbá are accommodating, and a stranger could be accommodated in a
house and fed over the night free of charge in a local village, subject
to the verification of their identity by the village heads and hunters.
This hospitality has been abused by some strangers identified as
non-Yorùbá bandit-herders who became thorns in the local's flesh as
reported recently regarding kidnappings and leading of cattle to feed on
the local's farms produce in Oke Ogun area of Oyo State, (BBC, 2021).~

Still on outside influence through intolerant teaching strange to the
locals; in a separate study by the author, the FGD2 participants in
Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í expressed dismay at the interactions between the two religions
that turned sour when a Yorùbá Muslim trainee (Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í) returned to
Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í from Cairo and spread antagonism and disunity among the people.
They argue that Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í taught some Muslim residents the art of
violent~\emph{jihad}, encouraging attacks on Christians, teaching
certain mode of dressing and burial rite. Some Muslims who became his
followers became violent towards the Christian community. The Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í
community could not bear the intolerance that followed, which led to
violence, arson, arrests, and court cases. Gideon in the interview (FI)
provides the names of those responsible for the spread of the conflicts
between Christian and Muslim residents who have all died through natural
causes (their names are withheld in this writing). He states:

\par\null

\begin{quote}
In 1952, the Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í Improvement Union (SIU) was founded by the elites,
without any Muslims then. {[}And{]} thirty years on, there has been
harmony in Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í. You could hardly see any difference in the ways the
traditionalists, Christians, and Muslims lived. {[}But{]} the Christians
seemed to be more prosperous. Suddenly, some kids {[}young people{]}
began to behave differently. {[}\ldots{}{]} paraphrased).

\par\null
\end{quote}

One does not know the reason why Muslims were not involved in the
improvement union, but it was claimed they all lived together in unity.
Gideon further accused Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í\protect\hyperlink{_ftn1}{{[}1{]}} of
teaching Samex, who burnt down a Baptist Church in Shaki, a few miles
from Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í. Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í, according to Gideon, falsely accused some
Christians of violence when Christians were exercising self-defence.
However, Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í was later caught in another violent act and arrested by
the police. All these bother on the type of religious education Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í
received from outside of the community which did not support tolerance
they were initially known for. The problem aggravated to breed `hatred
and individualism' according to {Kúnlé}. He adds:

\par\null

\begin{quote}
`{[}\ldots{}{]} After the death of the King, the town found it difficult
to install a successor because the Christians were careful of accepting
a Muslim king that will sanction intolerant form of Islamic over
Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í town.'

\par\null
\end{quote}

Although the deceased king of Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í was a friendly Muslims, the
negative image of Islam that Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í represented put some Christians off
as they no longer wanted a Muslim king as Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í's intolerant
activities continued to disturb their town's harmony. Thus, leadership
and learned behaviour that prevails in a community has impact on the
societal peacefulness.

Gideon further presented a concern about an inter-state underground
(outside) plans to cause violence against the Yorùbá people, which he
discovered in 2015:

\par\null

\begin{quote}
17 May 2015. I was in a city guest house within the Republic of Benin.
In the next (adjacent) room, the occupant, a Fulani who had taken his
father for hospital treatment spoke to me. The man talked about Kaiama
in Kwara State of Nigeria. He inquired about a man who built a big
mansion in Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í whether he was a Christian or a Muslim. When he
heard the man was a Christian, he warned that he (the Fulani young man)
has been invited to KMS Islamic village near Iseyin (Ọ\selectlanguage{english}yo \selectlanguage{english}State) for a
lecture. There, he met many people, including two people from Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pẹ\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í,
training for a Boko Haram type of mission. Their focus was to burn down
Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í and spare only Muslims.

\par\null
\end{quote}

Gideon informed his church, on his return to Nigeria about the above
narration. The Deputy Governor of Ọ\selectlanguage{english}yo \selectlanguage{english}at that time was informed by an
\selectlanguage{ngerman}Ìgbòho indigene (name withheld) in other to secure the town and the
entire Òkè Ògùn area of Oyo State. The need to safeguard the community
from outside negative influence and violent activities alien to their
community became an important long-term project if they would retain the
peacefulness that they were previously known for.

~

\subsection*{\texorpdfstring{{2.2 Formal and Informal Theological
Discourses}}{2.2 Formal and Informal Theological Discourses}}\label{formal-and-informal-theological-discourses}

Thus, theological discourse occurs in informal settings among the
Yorùbá, usually unplanned but often well managed. The interpretation of
concepts, actions, and cultural way of handling disputes and relating to
one another are relevant bases for peacefulness. Most formal theological
discourses among the Yorùbá take place in their communities, higher
institutions of learning and as organized by Non-Governmental
Organizations (NGOs). One example of an institutional dialogue was
mentioned at FGD1a, where an Islamic Imam and a Roman Catholic priest
addressed a university student community about tolerance and religious
understanding. A student FGD1a participant, Ronke, said she was elated
that the clerics expressed the commonalities of the two religions and
highlighted the need for mutual understanding and love. Similarly, one
of the notable NGOs that oversees Christian-Muslim dialogue in Africa is
the Programme for Christian-Muslim Relations in Africa (PROCMURA),
formerly known as the Islam in African Project. PROCMURA was formed by
Christians to educate interfaith communities through dialogue. It often
organizes programmes that include leaders and scholars from both
religions, and sometimes engages in community awareness and
developmental projects {[}see (PROCMURA-Witness, n.d.){]}. PROCMURA
lists its `Christian and Muslim joint programmes of action' to include:

\par\null

\begin{quote}
``Peace and peaceful co-existence between Christians and Muslims and
\ldots{} {[}c{]}arrying out Christian mission and Muslim da'wah in a
manner that respects the spirit of good neighbourliness' among others.''
(Witness).

\par\null
\end{quote}

PROCMURA present formal seminar fora with topics around the theological
bases of peacefulness among Christians and Muslims. It has offices in
western and northern Nigeria, while Ibadan (southwest Nigeria) was its
headquarters until 1997 before it was moved to Nairobi, Kenya,
(PROCMURA-Nigeria, n.d.). PROCMURA's operations in southwest Nigeria for
many years could have contributed to the Yorùbá's peacefulness in one
way or the other. Both formal and informal dialogues are common among
the Yorùbá, which they often use to improve their understanding of one
another's expectations to strengthen their unity.

The way theological discourses are managed have a lot to play a
society's peacefulness. Kúnlé in the FGD2 argues that aggressive
teaching and hatred expressed in some Christian sermons and
Islamic~\emph{da'wah} (preaching), when not well handled can, and have
caused disunity. Like Kúnlé (a Christian), Maku, a Muslim suggests
Muslim~\emph{da'wah} should not be confrontational. Maku adds that
insults and assault should not be condoned in the interaction between
Christians and Muslims, and provocative statements about each other's
religion should be avoided. These are the leaders' preventive measures
and mediation in conflict situation among the Yorùbá.

By comparison, the PS's knowledge often informs the reasons for their
carefulness or fears as they often leave the site of danger or strangers
based on their previous experience. Sometimes, they assess the situation
or ideas being introduced to them for its value contents and if it does
not contradict their community values. Although the PS maintain their
values and appear as closed groups unlike the Yorùbá who are more open
to strangers and civilization, some PS appear to be selective in what
they consider relevant to their well-being. Bonta reports that the
Canadian Hutterites respond well to the coronal virus (covid-19)
outbreak by restricting other colonies' access to their community to
prevent cross infection as would in big cities in the Yorùbáland. The PS
also stopped the eating together in their communal dining hall contrary
to how they used to do before the outset of the global covid-19
pandemic. They now go out only for the essential commodities and use
hand sanitizers, gloves, and masks to maintain a good prevention of the
virus especially during the pick of the pandemic. Being Christians, they
have reduced the number acceptable for each worship service to 15 and do
that in turn to accommodate all the people in their colony, (Bonta,
2020). Likewise, many Yorùbá churches that met at some point during the
pandemic also strategized to either rearrange the chairs in their
worship halls or reduced the number allowed to sit on each pew to allow
some forms of social distancing in addition to the use of masks and
hands disinfectant during worship. Many Federal Government officials
across the nation (the southwest Nigeria Yorùbá inclusive) were exempted
from working during the covid-19 Pandemic, issued the `Circular
Compulsory Stay at Home' in March 2020, followed by a `Partial
Resumption' in April 2020 circular, while further say at home circulars
were issued in March, and April 2021 (Dr Yemi-Esan, 2021). The only
disheartening thing was many of the government officials in charge of
the internationally provided palliative food supports hoarded the
materials to be discovered by the masses during the second wave of the
pandemic, (Awodipe, 2020; Eranga, 2020; Orjinmo, 2020). This is a
potential slight on the government.

Considering informal interactions as a source of promoting peacefulness,
the study among the Yorùbá in Ògbóm\selectlanguage{english}oso \selectlanguage{english}suggests that family
relationships and family bonds support dispute resolution. While the
interaction at this level is mostly informal, it becomes formal when the
family head or designated person is involved to settle the disputes.
Akinjogbin's theory (1966) that the harmonious relationships among the
Yor\selectlanguage{ngerman}ùbá based on their~\emph{Ẹbí} connections was partly evident in FGD1
until the FGD1a and FGD1c presented a deeper view that required a thick
description of Muslims' theological festival meals. A closer attention
at FGD1 reveals that disputes sometimes occur over the question of
whether Christians should accept Muslims' festival meals. This requires
thick description of the Yorùbá's peacefulness on religious grounds.

While some Christians eat such meals, some do not. Those who reject the
meals support their claim by their belief that Jesus Christ's final
atonement (see Hebrews Chapter 7 and 8) indicates no further requirement
for a compulsory animal slaughtering in a regulated feast or sacrifice
for worship purposes. They believe the Muslim festival constitutes a
mandatory animal sacrifice. Discourses along this line are often
informal while it becomes formal when the family head is involved to
settle the conflict. Either way, the outcome is always peaceful,
understanding each other better for the future possible engagements.
Rich in the FGD1a, Fúnmiláyọ\selectlanguage{english} and\selectlanguage{ngerman} {Sàngó} in FGD1c, all being Christians
saw nothing wrong with eating a festival meal offered by Muslim friends
or neighbours. Wùmí in FGD1a and Oyè in FGD1c reject the festival meal
as it negates their Christian beliefs. To the latter, Jesus Christ's
sacrificial death and resurrection presents the final atonement, but
animal slaughtering for spiritual purposes (implied from the
Muslim~\emph{Eid Al-Adha} festival) are no longer required or demanded
by God. A similar discussion emerged in FGD3, when Wọlé, a Muslim leader
expressed his displeasure at non-Muslims (like Christians), throwing out
such meals given to them. The participants at the FGD1 (Christians and
Muslims) unanimously agreed that, when offered such festival meals,
Christians who do not want to eat should be polite in declining the
offer, rather than receiving and disposing it off.

Christians who want to eat would have made up their minds prior to the
festival, as would those who do not want to eat. Some might change their
minds either way through dialogue. In most cases, the Muslim celebrants
will, over time and through years of interaction, identify the Christian
neighbours who will partake in their feast and those who will decline.
As examples, Wùmí, Ọmọbọ and Oyè will decline while Fúnmiláyọ\selectlanguage{english} and S\selectlanguage{ngerman}àngó
will accept the offer. There are also instances of Muslims declining
non-\emph{halal} meals as it does not fall in line with the tenets of
Islam. Yorùbá Christians do not knowingly offer such to their Muslim
friends or neighbours as both religions get along through honest
dialogue and tolerance either way.

Furthermore, the Inuit use radio communication to air complaint, educate
their community, and express warmth for social interaction, but had a
few traditional groups who prefer privacy rather than bringing concerns
on the public radio, (Briggs, 2000, p. 122). As reserved as most PS
appear to be, some are open to modern societies, although selective on
what they consider beneficial without jeopardising their interest and
peaceful valued life choices. The Yorùbá also find the use of radio
useful in propagating their values through talks, music, jokes
{[}\emph{àwàdà}{]}, drama and cinemas. In addition to social use of the
radio, the Yorùbá have recently increased their use of the social media
to educate one another about the happenings around them and to
strengthen one another.

Nevertheless, most of the PS live in underdeveloped communities as the
Ju/'hoansi live in the desert, lacking medical facilities, with their
life expectancy and fertility rates low, and child mortality high,
(Biesele and Howell, 2015). A helping hand will be relevant yet, the
PS's worldview must be examined with carefulness by non-indigenes. For
instance, many of them lack electricity, but may not feel the lack as
much as those in the modern societies would think they do because since
some never had it, would not feel its absence so desperately as
researchers might think they do. The Yorùbá on the other hand are much
more civilized and open to industrialization if offered with the
resources to reach their potentials.

\section*{\texorpdfstring{{3. Unravelling the Yorùbá's
Peacefulness}}{3. Unravelling the Yorùbá's Peacefulness}}\label{unravelling-the-yoruxf9buxe1s-peacefulness}

A thick description about peacefulness in the face of intolerance
reveals that many topics are being examined at various levels and
problems being spotted and resolved among the Yorùbá. The level of
religious provocation for instance, grew when some members of the
community tacitly or willingly co-operated with the outside influence
engineered by Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í's strange teachings to become intolerant. The
provocation by the intolerant group took root in the area due to a lack
of proactive leadership to stop it. Without the insiders' co-operation,
it would have been difficult for intolerance to blossom, which
authenticates the Yorùbá saying, o\selectlanguage{polish}\emph{lè ilé ní ńsí ìlẹkùn fún tòde}\selectlanguage{ngerman}
{[}literally translated as `the thief in the house opens the door for
the burglars'{]}. Also implying that before the arrival of the strange
intolerant teaching in the town, all the three religions, Islam,
Christianity and the indigenous Yorùbá have lived together relatively
peacefully.

One of the reasons for the fundamentalist/militants' rebellion can be
attributed to their not being involved in development projects as could
be inferred from Gideon's earlier quote, even when Gideon could not see
this as important. However, the responsible way of rectifying the
imbalance should not be Ọ\selectlanguage{english}je\selectlanguage{english}lab\selectlanguage{ngerman}í's led violence. Nevertheless, the
supposed leaked planned training to attack the unsuspecting Christians
indigens of Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í in Oke Ogun area of Oyo State negates the act
of~\selectlanguage{english}\emph{ọmọluabí}\selectlanguage{ngerman} well referred among the Yorùbá as their ethic of
human relation.

So, Maku is known for his religious toleration and many Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í
Christians speak well of him. This implies that not many Sẹ\selectlanguage{english}pe\selectlanguage{english}tẹ\selectlanguage{english}r\selectlanguage{ngerman}í
Muslims were violent towards Christians as the violent individuals are
in the minority. The intensity of the intolerance and the responses of
the responsible religious community determine the people's peacefulness.
In addition to Maku's, the Sọ\selectlanguage{english}u\selectlanguage{english}n of \selectlanguage{ngerman}Ògbóm\selectlanguage{english}oso\selectlanguage{english}land, Oba Jimoh Oladuni
Ajagungbade (III), a Muslim king showed love and support for Christian
and Muslim communities. In 2017, the Sọ\selectlanguage{english}u\selectlanguage{english}n released the formerly leased
land as a gift to the Nigerian Baptist Convention, the site of the
Nigerian Baptist Theological Seminary, and the Bowen University Teaching
Hospital \selectlanguage{ngerman}Ògbóm\selectlanguage{english}oso. \selectlanguage{english}This is a kind of gesture towards Christians by a
Muslim leader in Yor\selectlanguage{ngerman}ùbáland is worth mentioning.

\section*{\texorpdfstring{{4.
Conclusion}}{4. Conclusion}}\label{conclusion}

A violent fanatical individual or group can threaten the peace of a
society. While a lack of development cannot be ruled out as a possible
cause of aggression in human society, a negative outside influence along
with the associated learned behaviours alien to a community are found to
contribute to the community's disharmony. The ability to stop violence
or disunity often helps to keep the peace, as Galtung (1969, 2000) seeks
for positive peace and Bond (2014) describes peace as a continue
process. Societal violence or insecurity, however, can lead to
underdevelopment as the operators of some of the developmental projects
like the fishpond in Sepeteri were forced to leave because of the
violence and the project deteriorated with no competent committed hands
to manage it.

The two religious' communities, Christians and Muslims can learn to
strengthen their peaceful relations over time as positive common values
are explored and promoted without necessarily compromising their beliefs
or given to syncretism. In general, the Yorùbá are peaceful, striving to
avoid religious conflict as they seek to treat each other as family
(\emph{Ẹbí}), affirming Akinjogbin's family theory (1996), which is one
of their cherished heritages. It is, however, unclear what the outcome
will be as the harmonious Yorùbá communities try to handle any
underground attempts of any outsiders or outlawed strangers to disrupt
their peacefulness.

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\par\null

Note

\protect\hyperlink{_ftnref1}{{[}1{]}} All the names used are either
pseudo names or reworded in a way to keep the anonymity of the
participants.

\selectlanguage{english}
\FloatBarrier
\end{document}

